At 11 a.m., President Rumen Radev will hand over the third mandate to the ITN parliamentary group. For the first time, Rumen Radev is betraying the tradition of BSP getting the third mandate. What sign is this… Elena Darieva from the sociological agency "Nasoka" spoke to FAKTI.
- Mrs. Darieva, “cheated“ or the president Rumen Radev of the BSP, handing the third mandate to “There is such a people“?
- In my opinion, one cannot speak of infidelity in his election, but there is definitely a sign towards the BSP, as far as the socialist party was his traditional choice until now. The main thing at the moment is that the outcome of the third term seems foreordained, since there are no political prospects ahead of him. In fact, the chronology of the third term shows exactly that. It was last performed about 20 years ago – in 2005, when the government of Sergey Stanishev was implemented. Now we have a declaration from Toshko Yordanov and the ITN parliamentary group that they will return an empty folder to the president as quickly as possible, which means that early elections are on the horizon. The question of the day is whether the election will be “2 in 1“ – with the European ones, or they will be on different dates. This, in itself, has great significance both for the campaign, for the mobilization, and ultimately for the outcome of these elections.
- We heard that DPS and BSP do not want the third term, but only “Revival” they asked for it. Was the choice of the president narrowed in this sense…
- And in previous periods, we heard a declaration in advance from the BSP that they did not want the mandate, but nevertheless they received it. Now only “Vazrazhdane“, as you recalled, said that they are ready to try to form a cabinet, but it is clear that in the 49th National Assembly there will not be a majority to vote for this cabinet. Also, let's remember just a few days ago how the consultations between President Radev and "Vazrazhdane" took place, what tone we saw at this meeting. So I think that the president had no option to hand Kostadin Kostadinov the folder for the third term.
- The changes in the Constitution that were made, how much they can tie the knot with the election of a caretaker prime minister. The Ombudsman – as the institution furthest from the parties, it falls away. The governor and deputy governors of the BNB must resign, which is illogical against the background of the fact that they were recently elected. And so the possible people drop out, and the circle of names narrows…
- That's right, and many questions arise here. It is not by chance that many analysts have recently warned that the political crisis we are currently in could turn into a constitutional one. We are well aware that the president has yet to hold consultations with the parliamentaryly represented groups to determine who will be suitable for the next caretaker prime minister. After that, the president must make his choice for a candidate for prime minister, who in turn must propose the composition of the Council of Ministers. And only then should the president issue a decree. And again we have a case study. After all this process has gone through, who will bear the political responsibility for this election, who will bear the responsibility for the actions of the elected caretaker government. Today, we heard Denitsa Sacheva say that the GERB party wants the president's election as caretaker prime minister to be a politically neutral person, in order to guarantee fair elections, which is the task of the caretaker government. But this becomes somehow unfeasible, because all eight candidates who remain on the list seem to be politically connected, and with the GERB political party.
- And what move vision?
- Thus arises the central question of the overflow between politics and power, when we talk about state institutions, which by presumption should be independent from each other. After all, this was precisely the goal of the reform that Bulgarian society wanted to see. Because this penetration of the political into the various authorities, which should be independent – as the Audit Office, as regulators, as state bodies, was precisely the problem that had to be overcome through the reform. And now it turns out that this very overflow can be a stumbling block, and it turns out to be a stumbling block. And this is already a signal of the presence of a problem in the state.