I continue to search for the exact diagnosis of what is happening in Bulgarian political life.
But I also continue to be annoyed by the fact that a large part of our journalists, our political analysts and sociologists lack what I will define as paresis. The word means the ability to tell the truth straight, direct, immediate.
This comments on "Portal Culture" Kalin Yanakiev
And I think that is exactly what we are missing at the moment.
A few days ago, waiting in the studio of one of the central television stations for my turn to come (I was going to talk about something else, not politics), I listened to the reflections of three of the political analysts in question, who were discussing the upcoming vote of the GERB draft government.
I wonder if there will be "fallen MPs" in the parliament. (as Boyko Borisov expressed himself), will the “created intra-party situation in the DPS“ the cabinet of GERB support from this “political force”? Will "Slavi Trifonov's party" continue? want to form an “expert government” with the third term etc.? If a person from another time and place would have heard the reasoning of the analysts, he would have decided that they were talking about normal parties and normal parliamentary life (perhaps he would have been surprised only at the number of possibly “sleeping“ MPs).
A few days after what was heard in the studio of the television in question, I would define the political system that has formed in our country – according to Aristotle – as an undisputed oligarchy. At the same time, as an oligarchy, entered into a severe interpersonal conflict.
Because what do we have on the political scene today?
An oligarchy that has already reached its peak and seems to be starting to sclerose slightly at its political peaks, called GERB. One oligarchy was built already in the first decades after 1989 under the name of the DPS, and one, for a month or two, started to appropriate it as an oligarchy… of Delyan Peevski.
In addition: one “spare socket“ of the oligarchies of Borisov and Peevski, from which they, fighting among themselves, acquire an additional resource, officially named ITN, for which we currently do not know under the authority of which of the two oligarchies it is located.
In the spirit of paresis I mentioned above, I will ask those who would object to the definitions I give to the three parties in question.
Is anyone under the illusion that DPS is really “liberal“ in its ideology and “national“ by your electorate party? Is it not known, by all, that at least until this moment her electorate is purely and simply ethnically closed and not even an electorate of free – at their will, voting voters from the ethnic group in question, but an electorate commanded by the mayors, regional governors, provincial businessmen from the top of this party.
In fact, precisely because it is unconditionally commanded by these persons, the DPS party became in recent months the cherished prey of one of the main (and until recently without open political ambitions) oligarchs in our country – Delyan Peevski.
If some are wondering where he will find voters “his“ DPS, if it, as we see happening, comes into conflict with the “old“ DPS of Dogan, the answer is clear.
But when he “joined“ with as many as possible of the regional governors, mayors and owners of companies, who until this moment were “Dogan's”, and tomorrow they could already become his – of Peevski. And then they will command the closed ethnic electorate whose DPS they should already vote for.
It remains to be seen which oligarch in this raging conflict will be stronger – the old, the ancient or the new. Because whichever of the two controls that “ring of companies”, which the old oligarch unabashedly acknowledged years ago, will win the battle. Because this party doesn't really have “voters” – she has dependents on the “bosses“ are, non-political “subjects”, and the “bosses“ and they have “the boss of the bosses”.
But to a very large extent, so is the political party GERB. On the political surface, it seems to have mayors, municipal councilors, and therefore also has “voters”.
Actually, however, there are… companies, companies subcontractors of these companies, administration and clientele of this administration. And they all hold in their hands not “the electorate” of GERB, and those dependent on the local bosses of GERB political “subjects”.
Yes, a residual oligarchy still breathes in Bulgaria – the one related to the BSP and the former communist nomenclature. If I have to be a paresis here too, I will say that if the BSP would count on some “left-thinking“ voters, it would have long since fallen below the 4 percent barrier and disappeared from the political horizon.
Because there are “left“ in Bulgaria, they do not at all recognize as theirs the party that defends “traditional values”, “our Orthodox faith” and “our brotherhood with the Russian liberators“.
Voters of the BSP are secured today (and therefore they are fewer and fewer) from the rest of the businessmen, businessmen and provincial bigwigs still on the scene of this centenary.
Because they too, where they still exist, are not “voters“ but “subordinate circles“, dependent clientele.
Add to all this that (with very few exceptions) there are no heads of media, of television, of newspapers, of online publications, or even of publishing houses, that are not known (by everyone) to be – some of them "Borisov's people", others "Peevski's people", others "Dogan's people", and you will have to conclude that even our so-called "public opinion" is oligarchically created and modeled.
And here, the most painful thing is that, as a natural antagonist of these oligarchies, a still insufficiently articulated, not yet so massive (but skillfully directed by Moscow) fascism is rising in Bulgaria. Today it can still be “held”, and even used by the oligarchs.
But tomorrow – and this is also according to Aristotle – can overthrow them, because according to the ancient Greek philosopher (the educated know this) oligarchy is usually inherited by… tyranny.