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Ivo Injev: 7 things that changed before the 7th attempt to form a government in Bulgaria

None of the above factors by themselves automatically lead to something new

Oct 6, 2024 19:01 273

FAKTI.BG publishes opinions with a wide range of perspectives to encourage constructive debates.

I don't know if the leading commentators in our country do not stalk or copy from each other, but their rather unanimous opinion that no change awaits us in the upcoming parliamentary elections seems to me a little like the interpretations of the decisions of the Central Committee of the BKP from the time when the interpreters did not have different opinions from the official.

Without making a ranking of importance, I point out what did change during this short period of another parliamentary aborted pregnancy, which again could not give birth to a government.

1. The “change” did not change in the direction she was told. The witch doctors were crossing their fingers that it would disintegrate. PPDB have disproved the persistent and practically unanimous prediction that they will go into oblivion after their failure in the previous elections. They keep their chance to be the second political force again.

2.“Revival” started sending schizophrenic signals. Both she was already ready to talk to everyone, and she was not going to rule with anyone anyway. He realizes that the maximum he can achieve is to take away the PPDB's second place in the elections and thus relieve his fellow Putlerist Radev in his task of grudgingly assigning a mandate to the PPDB.

3. The most monolithic party of the transition, DPS, split under the blows of Peevski, who raged against his honorary adopter Dogan, as no Turk has ever raged over his father's hearth.

4. The oldest party, proud of its senility, also practically split. It fulfilled, albeit with great delay, the hopes of all who hoped that it would crumble under the weight of its senile inadequacy to modernity.

5. There Is Such a Misunderstanding ITN protected the name I give it. He succeeded in one thing: he approached, if not surpassed, in arrogant behavior the indistinguishable revivalists in this respect.

6. Old acquaintances blossomed as new faces in the party lists after years of hiding as independent, non-partisan, outright supra-party factors in the public eye. One Evgeny and one Assoc. Kiselova docked at the setting BSP. Edin Barekov threw himself on the barricade to defend Dogan from his former patron Peevski (with whom he used to attend secret meetings in the hotel, still called by Sofians the “Japanese”). The founder of the Sofia Stock Exchange, Viktor Papazov, paraded in the lists of the fascist party in his new capacity as a revivalist.

7.There is dead excitement in GERB, recognizable as such by the chief's desperate move to mobilize the resource of his residual influence accumulated over the years of his omnipotence. It sends its mayors to the front in the national elections. If this time, too, it does not help him regain at least part of his power, which he will certainly not personally lead again, he will have stepped on the hoe already for the seventh time.

None of the above factors by itself automatically lead to something new. But taken together, these departures from the status quo, plus the fear of the unknown in an increasingly likely collapse of the political system with truly unpredictable consequences for even the most cunning of outwits, may lead to some saving coalition.

If they put one together, it will be a coalition of (their) survival, although they would proclaim it a coalition of National Salvation.

The owner of the largest party, which looks set to win another pyrrhic victory, has already promised that he is ready to do anything to have a government.

Everything?